From the Movement, to the Masses: The 2025 Great Unity Convention in Chicago
By Zaquerí Nioúel
This summer, yours truly took a road trip from Minneapolis to Chicago for the Great Unity Convention of the Center for Political Innovation (CPI) on 12 July 2025 to show my support for the organization, its opposition to globalism and imperialism, and its advocacy for domestic and international peace. I didn’t speak onstage, but I waved an American flag, confident that it matched my shirt.
As a sociopolitical education project and community dedicated to advancing an optimistic, pro-growth, anti-imperialist vision, CPI emphasizes what people can achieve collectively, advocating for development, collaboration, and the use of resources for the common good. Together—because it’s definitely something I’d sign off on—we propose a Four-Point Plan to Rescue America:
1. Mass mobilization to rebuild the nation’s infrastructure and educational institutions, employing millions at union wages and revamping universities while coordinating national resources through a detailed five-year plan.
2. Public ownership of natural resources, arguing that profits from oil, gas, coal, and timber should serve the people rather than enrich corporations and Wall Street monopolists.
3. Public control of banking, replacing profit-driven lending with a network of national, state, and local banks to direct credit toward long-term growth, while also calling for a debt jubilee to end economic stagnation.
4. Adopting an Economic Bill of Rights, echoing FDR’s vision of guaranteeing jobs, housing, education, and healthcare for all. CPI concludes that America’s economic crisis stems from a system that enriches monopolies and bankers at the expense of communities, fosters poverty amidst abundance, and risks global war.
Rejecting the ruling elite’s vision of “de-growth,” CPI calls for a government of action that empowers working families, unleashes human creativity, and ensures prosperity and abundance for everyone, as Caleb Maupin—the ideological leader of CPI, whom longtime readers will surely recall—made clear in his opening speech.
Maupin began with philosophical references (at ~4:03–8:22) from Confucianism, Karl Marx, and biblical texts to illustrate humanity’s capacity to build a better world free from suffering and oppression. He quoted from the Book of Rites about Confucius’ vision of a world “shared by all alike,” where the elderly, able-bodied, young, widows, orphans, and sick are all properly cared for. He connected this to Marx’s vision of a communist society where labor becomes “life’s prime want” and society operates on the principle “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.” Maupin noted that Marx’s phrase was a biblical allusion to the Book of Acts. He emphasized that throughout human history, there has been an understanding that humanity has the capacity to build a better world free from suffering and oppression.
Of course, that contrasts with the reality we face today, in which Maupin describes (at ~8:58–10:34) that human progress has been held back by “a small group of bankers and billionaires in Wall Street and in London” who maintain their power by “keeping the world poor and sowing chaos and instability.” He references various terms for this system, including “the English system” (used by Henry Charles Carey, advisor to Abraham Lincoln), “imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism” (Vladimir Lenin’s term), and contemporary Russian and Chinese discussions of “geopolitics and civilizations of the land and empires of the sea.” Maupin identifies this system as “the main barrier to human progress” preventing humanity from building a better world.
For that reason, Maupin tells us (at ~10:35), CPI has dedicated itself “to trying to build a movement here in the United States to oppose globalism-imperialism. We need a government of action to fight for working families,” arguing (at ~10:51) that the only viable future for the U.S. requires it join the “new economy” rising around the world through initiatives like BRICS, the Belt and Road Initiative, and the Eurasian Economic Union. That, of course, conflicts the country’s current trajectory of stoking international conflicts while its domestic infrastructure crumbles, despite widespread understanding across domestic political divides that American leadership isn’t working in the interests of ordinary people.
Maupin goes on (at ~13:12–26:51) to detail the many activities CPI has undertaken over the past year, including: publishing a book about Kamala Harris that was briefly banned by Amazon; distributing literature at the Democratic National Convention; launching Operation PeaceMAGA to emphasize antiwar themes during Trump’s campaign; sponsoring the “Rage Against the War Machine 2” protest; supporting the Uhuru movement in Florida during their legal battles; and demonstrating in solidarity with Palestinians, with the Houthis of Yemen, and with Burkina Faso’s leader Ibrahim Traore, whom he praises as a prime example of pro-growth leadership—of the innovationism for which CPI exists to advocate.
Additionally, he stresses (at ~27:11–31:31) the importance of rejecting political violence, arguing that “if there’s one thing that will prevent a real mass movement, bringing the country together, it'll be violence and killing.” He references historical examples from Italy in the 1970s-80s and from Jamaica in the 1980s where political violence led to demoralization and prevented positive change, and suggests that the “celebration and glorification of political violence we’re seeing all across social media is not accidental” but rather “an operation to demoralize, to make the population weary.” For that reason, Maupin criticizes the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), which planned a demonstration during Trump’s second inauguration that could have facilitated “another bloodbath in Washington, DC” to match that from his first inauguration in 2017. But CPI put out a press release and Maupin appeared on George Galloway’s Mother of All Talk Shows calling on the PSL to cancel the demonstration, and suggesting that their efforts contributed to the fact that there was no bloodbath during the inauguration.
Naturally, such political violence would only work against any efforts to build a mass movement of people working together in communities, building solidarity and taking real action. In the interest of such, Maupin emphasizes (at ~31:27–34:08) that “podcasts don’t cut it” and stresses the importance of people who “rely on each other and can work together, can learn together, can be patient with each other and can get things done,” wisely observing that “sometimes the people who agree with you can be completely useless” while “sometimes people you might not agree with, but you have some common ground around, they can be the most helpful and important people.” Accordingly, he tells us, CPI plans to establish “a building, an organizing center here in the Chicago area” to organize in communities and build “the anti-imperialist network that is definitely needed to get the United States into the new economy” before yielding the stage for an awards ceremony to honor Kabula Mutombo of the Uhuru Movement for defending civil liberties in U.S. courts, Libertarian Party Chair Angela McArdle for her leadership in antiwar protests, Rev. Miilhan Stephens of the Boston Family Church for his advocacy of Korean reunification.
Mutombo received the award in honor of the African People’s Socialist Party and the Uhuru Movement it leads for its proud resistance to FBI raids and to the political prosecution of the Uhuru 3 (Omali Yeshitela, Penny Hess, and Jesse Nevel) under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. Introducing him, CPI member John McCarthy—himself a recipient of a “Voice of Resistance Award” or his consistent advocacy for the Uhuru 3 case since the FBI raids in July 2022—provides (at ~6:07–15:53) extensive details about the case against the Uhuru 3, explaining that Chairman Omali Yeshitela was charged as a Russian agent for giving speeches about Black liberation and reparations, and for having connections with Russian political organizations. McCarthy highlights how the jury inconsistently acquitted the defendants of being Russian agents but found them guilty of conspiracy charges, and emphasizes that the defendants were sentenced to community service, essentially what they were already doing in their communities—such as with their response to a current crisis in St. Louis, where tornado damage was being used as pretext to displace Black residents from North St. Louis by tagging houses and cutting power to force residents out in the interest of expanding the National Geospatial Intelligence Agency facility. The Uhuru Movement organized community efforts to repair homes and resist the residents’ displacement.
Taking the stage (at ~16:25–24:04) to accept the award, Kabula Mutombo describes the FBI raids that occurred three years prior, when SWAT teams and armored vehicles broke into their homes at 5:47 AM, pointing rifles at children and seizing laptops and archives. He explains they were targeted for saying “the U.S. is an imperialist power, that Africa deserves reparations, that African people charge the U.S. with genocide” and details the lack of evidence in the government’s case, noting that their own FBI agent admitted there was “zero evidence” that anyone in the Uhuru Movement took any orders from Russia. Mutombo also describes the movement’s response to the charges, including door-to-door organizing, flyer distribution, and 1,600 letters written to the court in support of the Uhuru 3. He emphasizes that the jury found them not guilty on the main charge before connecting their struggle to other global issues, telling us (at ~22:48) that,
"The same FBI targeting us raids Palestinian organizers. The same State Department funding exploitation of Congo […] and the rest of the colonized peoples of the world. The same system that jails Julian Assange tries to silence us all. But when we fight, we win. When we fight, Haiti rises; when we organize, Congo resists; when we win, the empire trembles."
Accordingly, the Uhuru Movement’s legal victory was important not just for the defendants, but for protecting free speech rights for all Americans who oppose war and advocate international cooperation—among whom stands Angela McArdle, the Libertarian Party Chair who received the next award.
Honored for her efforts organizing the Rage Against the War Machine rally in early 2023, which brought together people from across the political spectrum to oppose U.S. involvement in the Ukraine war, McArdle first expresses (at ~5:25–9:51) her appreciation for CPI’s efforts to bridge political divides, and observes that anti-war sentiment among the American populace seems to be reaching new heights.
McArdle goes on to describe (at 10:57–14:43) her own experience organizing the anti-war rally while seven months pregnant, eventually hosting it with her two-and-a-half-month-old baby, calling the rally an “issue coalition project” that united people from different political backgrounds, particularly libertarians and communists, before humorously noting that working with communists was “so much easier” than working with some members of her own party. Still, she details challenges faced while planning the rally, including a controversy surrounding one of the invited speakers that nearly derailed the entire event. But despite social media conflicts and threats of counter-protests, they managed to overcome these obstacles and host what she describes as a “wildly successful event” that “changed public perception of the war in Ukraine.”
She also shares (at ~14:50–25:36) lessons learned from working with the political left, particularly praising their discipline, long-term planning, and ability to maintain focus on goals. McArdle advises all those committed to political organizing that they maintain cheerfulness in activism work despite dealing with serious issues like war, noting that the pleasant working environment with passionate volunteers gave her energy to continue with difficult work. (Only with such dedication, of course, can she celebrate victories like President Trump fulfilling the promise he made to her to pardon Ross Ulbricht.) Using Star Wars as a metaphor, McArdle also discusses the importance of intergenerational knowledge transfer and leadership succession. She criticizes the boomer generation, specifically mentioning Nancy Pelosi, for hoarding power rather than mentoring younger leaders, and emphasizes that older anti-war activists need to pass their knowledge to younger generations to maintain a strong movement. Because “peace begins at home,” she reminds us that unity not just across generations but between left and right political factions is crucial—referencing again how the Rage Against the War Machine event fostered unexpected connections between people with different political views—and promises to use her relationship with the Department of Justice to advocate that it drop its opposition to the Uhuru 3’s appeal during her next visit to Washington, DC.
The next award went to Rev. Miilhan Stephens, who humbly accepts it (at ~6:06–16:29) on behalf of the Family Federation and acknowledges his colleagues from the Universal Peace Federation before expressing appreciation for CPI’s fearlessness in stepping outside comfort zones and its approach to peace-building, particularly in “nudging” the boulder of destructive change just enough to shift its course away from our families, loved ones, and as much of humanity as one can preserve, rather than trying fruitlessly to stop it altogether. He defines peace as “the constant pursuit of harmonizing our differences,” rather than simply the absence of conflict, and quotes 1 Corinthians 12:25–26 about unity in shared suffering and rejoicing. Stephens goes on to explain that he’s participating despite his busy travel schedule because he feels called to create a peaceful world for children. He quotes Malachi 4:5–6 about turning the hearts of parents to children and vice versa to avoid destruction, thereby emphasizing the urgency of peace work in the age of artificial intelligence—arguing that we need to teach empathy and goodness rather than just intelligence—before identifying apathy, ignorance, and lethargy as key obstacles to peace.
Regarding specific peace initiatives, Stephens describes (at ~16:36–25:14) a trio of proposals from the Rev. Dr. Sun Myung Moon. First: an ambitious tunnel spanning the Bering Strait to physically link Alaska and Russia, a project dating back to proposals from the late 19th century and modernized by advocates like Moon as part of a global peace highway. Second: the creation of a transboundary peace-and-nature park in Korea’s Demilitarized Zone—an ecologically rich region long untouched by human development—to both preserve its biodiversity and memorializing those fallen on both sides in the Korean War. Third: promoting cross-cultural marriages between people from historically adversarial nations as a grassroots means of bridging divides and fostering peace, underscoring how human-level connections are essential to healing geopolitical rifts.
Clearly this last proposal carries particular meaning for Stephens, who shares his personal connection to cross-cultural marriage, being the child of an American father and Japanese mother whose marriage initially faced rejection from his Japanese grandparents due to post-WWII tensions before the birth of his sister changed his grandparents’ hearts.
Stephens concludes (at ~25:17) his speech—and the convention’s morning session—by sharing stories about Reverend Moon and Mother Moon’s early spiritual experiences. He recounts how Father Moon, after asking God about suffering, felt called to dedicate his life to pursuing world peace despite persecution and imprisonment, while Mother Moon, traumatized as a child during the Korean War, resolved at age seven to devote her life to creating peace—commitments they have both upheld ever since. Accordingly, Stephens challenges the audience to consider their own role in creating peace, telling the audience, “Let’s innovate together.”
Iranian-American activist Seyed Hosseini launched the convention’s afternoon session with a powerful and wide-ranging speech linking Iran’s history, Shia tradition, and global struggles into a call for justice and resistance. Hosseini begins (at ~5:19–9:52) by thanking the audience for being present “not just physically in this room, but emotionally, intellectually and spiritually,” framing the discussion as being about truth, dignity, and “the cost of standing alone when the world demands your silence.” Referencing the convention’s branding (“Working Families First, Defeat the Deep State for a New World of Peace and Innovation”), Hosseini asks what kind of peace is being discussed and who gets to innovate. He argues that peace means different things to different people: for some it’s bombs stopping, for others it’s a ceasefire to bury their children, and for those in power, it often means “total silence, total obedience and total submission […] but […] peace is not the absence of war. Peace is the presence of justice.”
Of course, from the simple mention of a ceasefire, you know that Hosseini’s talking about Palestine. But he’s also talking about Iran, challenging the portrayal of Iran in Western media as a villain, noting that Iran hasn’t started a single war since 1979 despite being “surrounded by bases, bombed, sanctioned, threatened, lied to” for forty-five years. He recounts how in the 1980s, Saddam Hussein invaded Iran with backing from the U.S., European countries, and Arab monarchies, using chemical weapons on Iranian civilians. He emphasizes that Iran survived not because of military might or nuclear weapons, but because of its belief in resistance. He states that what global empires fear most is “a nation that refuses to kneel” and “people who say we will stand alone. We will pay the price, but we will not sell our soul.”
In particular, Hosseini addresses (at ~9:51–12:37) the recurring claims about Iran seeking nuclear weapons, noting that Israel has been claiming since 1992 that Iran is “a year or two away from having nuclear bomb,” with similar claims repeated in 1995, 2003, 2006, 2010, and 2012. He argues that if Iran truly wanted nuclear weapons, it would have them by now. He points out the double standard where Israel possesses nuclear weapons without signing the Non-Proliferation Treaty, allowing inspections, or facing sanctions, while continuing to bomb Syria, threaten Iran, invade Lebanon, and occupy Palestine “and yet somehow it is never the problem.” Ditto the U.S., which claims always that “we are the good guys, we want peace,” despite supporting coups in Latin America, assassinating of elected leaders, overthrowing foreign governments, bombing Cambodia, leaving Afghanistan in ruins, invading Iraq in 2003 “based on a lie,” and destroying Libya.
Naturally, Hosseini argues (at ~14:11–18:40) that real peace doesn’t come from predator drones, sanctions that starve children, or selective outrage where “some lives are sacred and others are disposable.” He acknowledges that Iran isn’t perfect, but defends its support for Palestine, Yemen, and “the oppressed of the world” as stemming from its own experience of isolation. Hosseini links it also to the doctrine of resistance in Shia Islam as a political culture evolved through over a thousand years of oppression, describing how Shia communities historically were marginalized minorities within empires, facing imprisonment, execution, and silencing, yet built a tradition of resistance even when standing alone. He recounts the story of Hussein, grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, who in 680 CE refused to give allegiance to a “corrupt brutal empire” despite being vastly outnumbered. Hussein was killed along with his family, but became “immortal" as a symbol of resistance to tyranny. Hosseini connects Hussein to other revolutionary figures like Che Guevara, describing him as a symbol for anyone who “stands when others choose silence,” while resistance is “something humanity creates every time the powerful abuse the powerless.”
Hosseini then broadens his discussion (at ~18:41–21:42) to resistance movements beyond Iran and Islam. He discusses Latin America, particularly Che Guevara, who abandoned privilege to fight against hunger and colonialism in South America. He lists U.S. interventions in Guatemala in 1954, in Chile in 1973, its occupation of Nicaragua from 1912 to 1933, in El Salvador in the 1980s, in Panama in 1989, and ongoing efforts to subvert Venezuela, asking “What is that if not deep state policy? What is that if not the crushing of resistance?” Accordingly, Hosseini draws parallels between Shia Muslim resistance and Latin American resistance movements, arguing that both were “not about winning battles” but “about not giving in,” and sees the spirit of resistance living on in Palestine, Cuba (which has withstood sixty years of sanctions), and Venezuela.
Which of course would lead almost anyone to ask, did any of that profit the average American? Of course not: turning (at ~21:46–29:38) to domestic American issues, Hosseini discusses economic hardship in California, where even those earning $100,000 annually are considered low income. He contrasts American struggles with the billions in aid sent to Israel ($3.8 billion annually in direct military aid plus $14 billion added recently). He argues this money could provide healthcare for millions, universal pre-K education, or housing vouchers for homeless veterans. Instead, it goes to “an apartheid regime that denies Palestinians the most basic human rights” and an army that receives free healthcare while Americans choose “between groceries or insulin.” He criticizes the political system where questioning foreign aid leads to being labeled “anti-American” or “antisemitic.”
Returning (at ~29:40–32:56) to Palestine, Hosseini rejects claims that the situation is “complicated.” He states plainly: “Colonialism is not complicated. Apartheid is not complicated,” describing neighborhoods leveled in Gaza, ambulances targeted, journalists shot, and basic services blocked. Hosseini asks the audience to imagine their response if someone “kicks you out of your home, burns your village, shoots your brother, imprisons your sister, starves your community.” He points out that international law declares occupation, targeting civilians, settlements, and ethnic cleansing illegal, but these laws are only applied to “poor countries,” “brown countries,” countries without “billion dollars lobbyists”—highlighting the double standard where,
"When Israel bombs a hospital, it’s self-defense. When a Palestinian throws a rock, it’s terrorism. When Iran responds to an assassination on its soil, [it’s] destabilizing the region. But when the U.S. assassinates foreign generals in another sovereign country, restoring order. I’m sure you see the game by now: it’s not about peace, it’s not about law, it’s about power."
Accordingly, Hosseini implores us (at ~33:32–36:07), “Let’s reclaim this word ‘resistance,’” arguing that it is “not chaos... not hatred... not destruction” but “the most human act in the face of dehumanization.” He describes resistance as workers organizing unions, students refusing silence, families rebuilding after bombings, and cultural expressions like graffiti declaring “we exist” or poetry written behind barbed wire. He defends Iran’s support for resistance groups as standing with “people who fight back when their homes are taken, their families are killed, and their futures erased.” He argues Iran’s stance comes from remembering its own trauma and following a simple doctrine: “Wherever oppression exists, we stand with the oppressed.”
In his conclusion, Hosseini argues (at ~36:13) that the greatest innovation needed today is “moral clarity”: the courage to declare “the system is broken... this empire is killing... this silence is violence.” He connects struggles across locations: “From Karbala to Gaza to Chicago to Caracas to Tehran, we’re all facing the same machine.” He identifies the victims of current policies: Palestinian mothers watching sons die, Iranian children unable to get medication due to sanctions, Yemeni fathers burying families after airstrikes, American nurses unable to afford insulin, teachers working second jobs, Black families in Flint with poisoned water, and Native elders without accessible healthcare. Therefore, Hosseini calls on the audience to “speak now, stand now, resist now” for Palestine and all oppressed peoples, concluding that “resistance is not radical: silence is.”
Next up came CPI member Noah Shenk, whose speech focused on the Houthi movement in Yemen and his outreach efforts following the October 7th events and the Houthis’ blockade of Israeli and American ships in the Red Sea. Describing (at ~2:08–9:56) how he distributed thousands of books about the Houthis at mosques and pro-Palestine rallies, carrying boxes containing 500 books each. Shenk shares that while some people were suspicious or hostile, many eagerly took the books, particularly at a Shia mosque where older members from Iran and Pakistan grabbed copies despite his attempts to be respectful during prayer time. Nonetheless, he criticizes superficial online support for the Houthis, arguing that genuine political positions should come from understanding rather than antagonism, and expresses disappointment with Americans who celebrate potential violence against American servicemen, arguing that people should weep for American servicemen dying for “Israel’s unjust war.” Shenk suggests this reflects a broader cultural problem where people adopt political positions not out of genuine belief but to antagonize others they dislike, comparing it to people who claim to be evangelical Christians but can’t explain Jesus’ teachings.
Providing background (at ~10:14–16:17), Shenk unpacks Yemen’s deep poverty: citing the CIA World Factbook, he states that 25% of Yemen’s population lacks proper access to food and nearly 30% is completely illiterate. Shenk argues that Yemen’s poverty persists despite its natural resource wealth because of “imperialism” or “globalism,” where powerful countries and corporations intentionally underdevelop nations to create captive markets, forcing Yemen to sell crude oil cheaply to Saudi Arabia and buy back refined products at inflated prices. Explaining Yemen’s internal divisions, noting that many Middle Eastern borders were artificially drawn by the British after World War I, Shenk describes how southern Yemen was once a separate country and the only Soviet-style socialist nation in the Middle East, while northern Yemen is predominantly Zaidi Shia, a branch of Islam that Shenk characterizes as a “compromise between Shia and Sunni”: while most Shia Muslims are “Twelvers” who recognize twelve Imams after Prophet Muhammad, Zaidi Shia only recognize five Imams, up to Imam Zayd, who was killed leading an uprising against corrupt rulers and whose body was desecrated as a warning to others.
Shenk then introduces (at ~17:09–23:17) the Houthis as an anti-austerity, self-determination movement founded by Hussein al-Houthi, who launched the “Young Believers” in 1992 to educate impoverished children and promote self-sufficiency. Shenk quotes from Hussein al-Houthi’s sermons about the importance of self-sufficiency and cultivation as a means to independence, arguing that the education programs weren’t “brainwashing” but efforts to help people “self-actualize” and compares the Houthis’ opposition to agricultural policies to Dutch farmers’ protests and Mexican farmers’ struggles under NAFTA. He next recounts how the U.S.-backed Yemeni government became increasingly intolerant of the Houthis after they opposed the Iraq war and criticized the Bush Administration’s “War on Terror” rhetoric. Following a meeting with then-Secretary of State Colin Powell, Yemeni then-President Saleh placed a $55,000 bounty on Hussein al-Houthi’s head. Before his death, Hussein survived a bombing that killed twelve of his followers and gave a final sermon predicting that the Houthis would eventually be the only people with the courage to stand up for Palestinians. After Hussein’s death, his followers embraced the name “Houthi” (previously used as a slur) as a badge of honor.
As Shenk explains (at ~23:34–25:43), the now-proud Houthis proved the courage that their founder predicted long before their blockade of the Red Sea in response to Israel’s genocide in Gaza began in 2023: during the 2010 Arab Spring, which Shenk characterizes as “U.S.-backed chaos,” the Houthis acted as bodyguards protecting protesters against then-President Saleh’s forces. He explains that they built a “progressive coalition” of various groups opposed to austerity and imperialism, including Zaidi Shias, communists from southern Yemen, and even a feminist group led by Layla al-Attar. In 2015, this coalition successfully ousted Saleh and seized the presidential palace, with popular support galvanized by the government’s decision to cut fuel subsidies under pressure from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.
In what seems to me an inspired connection to draw, Shenk links (at ~26:02) the Houthis to American historical figures and movements. He notes their support for the right to bear arms and their logo featuring a rifle and a shaft of grain symbolizing economic prosperity, and accordingly compares the Houthis’ charitable work and education programs to the Black Panthers’ free breakfast program, their blockade of the Red Sea to the Boston Tea Party, and their religious zeal to abolitionist John Brown. Shenk reads from John Brown’s speech before his execution for leading a slave revolt and urges the audience to see themselves in the Houthi movement, which to him embodies the “real America” that yearns for justice and a better tomorrow.
Continuing the afternoon session, Gavin Lockhart (another CPI member) next took the stage. Lockhart began his speech (at ~2:13–11:53) with an explanation of how his political awareness began with his progressive parents, who had encouraged him to follow current events: as a teenager, he read Wikipedia articles and was introduced to Al Jazeera by his sister. He describes learning that Al Jazeera had fabricated a story about Muammar Gaddafi bombing his own people in Tripoli, which led him to question mainstream media narratives. After calling Libya from the 1970s through 2010 “Africa’s most prosperous democracy”—with free healthcare, education, startup funding for young couples and farmers, and the continent’s largest clean water pipeline project—Lockhart details how Libya was destroyed in 2011 when anti-government riots escalated into an armed uprising, followed by NATO intervention that led to Gaddafi’s death and the country’s destruction. The uneven coverage of those events in alternative media soon led Lockhart to the aforementioned Caleb Maupin, whose article about Libya that resonated enough with him for Lockhart to join SYNA (Students and Youth for a New America), founded by Maupin in 2016 after he leaft the Workers World Party. Lockhart notes that SYNA received criticism from leftists for being patriotic but emphasized that CPI believes in reclaiming patriotism because “we love our country and want to see it become better for everyone.”
During college, Lockhart tells us (at ~11:59–21:02), he became a Christian, and takes pains to address the perceived incompatibility between Christianity and socialism. He cites Martin Luther King, Jr. as an example of a Christian socialist, and shares his experience of having been nonetheless expelled from his local DSA (Democratic Socialists of America) chapter because of his Christian beliefs. Afterward, Lockhart “began to wonder if left and right have become irrelevant categories. I’d strongly agree with Jim Hightower when he said that said today that politics isn’t left versus right, it’s top versus bottom.” While he hastens to add that CPI is not an exclusively communist organization, Lockhart still recognizes communism’s achievements while acknowledging its flaws: he observes that many socialist or anti-imperialist countries today are more religious than Western pro-imperialist countries, citing examples from Cuba, Iran, Venezuela, and Nicaragua; and while China represents an exception among communist countries, with its market-based economy, “it has lifted almost a billion people out of extreme poverty.” That, for Lockhart, demonstrates socialism’s compatibility with Christian values; to underscore it, he quotes Matthew 25:35–36 about helping the hungry, thirsty, strangers, naked, sick, and imprisoned.
Lockhart concludes his speech (at ~21:05) with another example of Christian values, sharing the parable of the Good Samaritan to make a different point: that achieving common goals requires unity across political and religious divides.
"The people we’re being taught to hate, just as the Jews were taught to hate the Samaritans, are the people we need and need us in the fight against imperialism and all of the edifices it builds to justify itself. We need to find our commonalities, not what divides us. We need to stop saying that only if you completely agree with every one of our fifty-two points, we can let you into our group. We need to unite to fund healthcare, housing, schools, and to clean up the environment, and to stop funding endless wars. We need to work with everyone who agrees with these goals, whether they’re a conservative Christian like me or a Muslim or any other religion, whether they’re an African nationalist or a libertarian or any other political belief. This is what CPI stands for."
In this way, Lockhart frames CPI’s mission as building a broad, principled coalition that transcends ideological and religious boundaries, uniting all who share a commitment to peace, justice, and the uplift of working families against imperialism—a group of which one should certainly feel proud to call oneself a member.
Next, Geoff Young took the stage, a longtime political activist from Kentucky, the suppression of whom by the Democratic Party of that traditionally Republican state inspired him to co-found the Kentucky Party. Young introduces himself (at~2:29–8:38) as a 45-year resident of Lexington, Kentucky, originally from Massachusetts, and shares his first political thought at age six during the Cuban Missile Crisis, when he questioned the purpose of nuclear weapons and concluded they should be eliminated. He describes his brief libertarian phase in high school before discovering Noam Chomsky’s work, which revealed to him how mainstream media often functions as propaganda regarding U.S. foreign policy and military actions, allowing him to identify spin, falsehoods, and distractions in reporting, in which mainstream media presents “what the system wants you to think” rather than reality. No longer watching television news even to analyze it, today he gets all his information online.
Young then describes (at ~8:41–20:41) working for the Kentucky state government for 15 years before retiring early to become a full-time peace and environmental activist. He began running for office in 2012, initially as a Green Party member, then as a Democrat for U.S. House elections, and later as a Republican in 2020. Young details his experiences with both major parties, stating they employed similar tactics to marginalize his candidacies, including pretending he didn’t exist and providing unreported in-kind contributions to preferred candidates. This led him to file multiple lawsuits against party leadership for election rigging, though all were dismissed by the courts. He describes the pattern of dismissals from circuit courts through the U.S. Supreme Court, with judges consistently ruling that he “failed to state a claim upon which relief can be granted” without substantive analysis. Based on his legal experiences, Young tells us, he concluded that the judicial branch is “by far the most corrupt branch” of government, with judges and lawyers ignoring or violating laws to protect the establishment. He emphasizes that without a functioning legal system, there are no checks and balances.
After telling us of his experience with the major parties, Young recounts (at ~20:42–27:10) the formation of the Kentucky Party in 2024, which he co-founded with Jeff Vesta and Anna Keller. Unlike the Green Party with its extensive platform, the Kentucky Party was established with just two core pillars: being pro-peace (anti-war, anti-nuclear weapons, anti-imperialism, anti-genocide) and anti-corruption in Kentucky. Young describes the Kentucky Party’s inclusive approach, allowing anyone to join and supporting candidates regardless of their positions on other issues. He emphasizes the party’s commitment to organizing debates for all candidates, even if major party candidates refuse to participate, and explains that the party aims to inform voters about their choices rather than having them vote based on inertia or limited information from TV ads.
Young concludes (at ~27:11) by suggesting that similar parties could be established in every state with simple, foundational principles like anti-imperialism, providing alternatives to the two major parties and forums for voter education. He emphasizes the importance of encouraging people to run for office regardless of financial resources, and closed with a philosophical reflection on what truly matters at the end of life—not political affiliations or wealth, but the relationships formed with others.
Of course, when you boil it down, that’s what politics is all about.
Speaking next we heard Keith Preston of Attack the System First describing (at ~3:33–10:02) his early political consciousness beginning in elementary school during the Nixon era, Preston recountss being taken to a Nixon campaign event where children were instructed to chant “We want Nixon,” but he instinctively refused to participate. He also shares his confusion about the Vietnam War as a child, questioning why Americans were being drafted to fight in a foreign conflict. Preston explains how seeing a Vietnam veteran with a prosthetic arm at an amusement park prompted him to ask his father about the draft, leading to his early realization that he opposed government-mandated military service. He continued his contrarian political stance through his youth, supporting Jimmy Carter when his conservative community overwhelmingly favored Republicans.
Detailing (at ~10:03–18:14) his involvement with various radical groups in his twenties, including the Industrial Workers of the World (Wobblies), Workers Solidarity Alliance, anarchists, early Green movement meetings, libertarians, and survivalist communities, Preston explains how he started a public access television show featuring discussions with people from different radical groups. When introduced to the internet, Preston decided to create a website as a “pan-radical, pan-dissident platform” where anti-establishment viewpoints from across the political spectrum could be expressed. The name "attackthesystem.com" was suggested by a young college student who attended their meetings; since then, the site has been running for approximately 25 years, evolving through multiple iterations. Discussing how his platform has influenced others over its 25-year history, Preston describes encountering former readers or associates who have gone on to develop their own political initiatives—sometimes crediting his influence—and mentions receiving messages from people in other countries who have translated his books into languages like Portuguese. Throughout his life, he tells us, he has witnessed a significant “political psychic sea change,” with more people becoming aware of issues like American imperialism, citing the example of increased awareness about the Palestinian struggle and noting that, when he first became a supporter in 1988 after meeting a Palestinian refugee from Lebanon, most Americans had little understanding of the conflict—far less than the populace today.
This leads Preston to draw (at ~18:24–22:25) comparisons between the 19th century and today. He describes the 19th century as a time of rapid change when “pre-modernity really started to fade away” and modernity began to develop. He sees parallels in how industrial capitalism rose then and digital capitalism is rising now, with the imperial center simply moving “from London to Washington.” Preston notes both positive developments (like medical advancements) and negative ones (class polarization, wealth disparities, social dislocations). Just as the 19th century saw the emergence of alternative social visions (utopian socialists, Marxists, anarchists), today we’re witnessing various “niche radical cultures” with overlapping critiques.
Next, Preston analyzes (at ~22:27–34:21) divisions within the American ruling class, identifying three main factions: the liberal northeastern establishment (the “Rockefeller Malthusian wing”), the Sun Belt wing (national industrial bourgeoisie/manufacturing class), and what he calls “new capital” (tech oligarchs, hedge funds, financial entities like BlackRock). He discusses how many tech oligarchs and financial entities have shifted from supporting Democrats to backing Republicans and Trump. Preston suggests that some tech oligarchs have tried to co-opt the MAGA movement for their own ends, citing figures like Peter Thiel and his connection to neoreactionary thinker Curtis Yarvin. He also notes how Zionist plutocrats have “lurched rightward” since the Gaza conflict began, as many on the left embraced the Palestinian cause. But simultaneously, Preston observes with concern that the U.S. has been drifting into “a 19th-century-model class system” with the negative impacts of neoliberalism and globalization, referencing Ross Perot’s warnings about NAFTA creating a “sucking sound” of jobs leaving the country. Preston shares personal experiences with infrastructure failure, including water outages in his city, and warns us that the United States is “falling apart” not only economically but also in terms of its political culture.
Preston concludes his speech (at ~34:22) with a warning about the potential for civil conflict in the U.S. similar to Italy’s “Years of Lead” or Northern Ireland’s “Troubles.” He points to recent political violence, including this summer’s murder of state legislators in Minnesota and assassination attempts against Donald Trump, as warning signs. Preston discusses how different ruling class factions are “trying to tighten their own grip” through measures like weaponizing law enforcement agencies, which he sees as “the kind of stuff that can be a prelude to civil war.” On the international front, he notes the rise of multipolarity (which he views positively) alongside a global trend toward autocracy and increased repression by ruling classes who feel threatened by changing power dynamics. “A lot of ruling classes are worried […] that they’re losing their grip. You know, when a ruling class starts to escalate repression, that shows they’re scared”—which altogether underscores the importance of innovating the political message that can consolidate the masses into a united bloc.
The convention’s keynote speaker was also one who traveled the farthest to attend: David Fox, a boilermaker and union organizer hailing from Australia. In his introduction (at ~1:03–4:33), Fox explains how he learned about class politics from fellow workers on the shop floor, including boilermakers, painters, doctors, and electricians. They taught him fundamental principles: workers have no common interests with employers, and workers must stick together to achieve anything. He proudly describes the Australian union movement’s history of supporting social causes and opposing imperialism, He provides examples including opposition to conscription during World War I, support for Indonesian independence by refusing to load Dutch ships, and dock workers refusing to load pig iron to Japan before World War II in solidarity with Chinese people. He emphasizes how labor actions, including work stoppages, were crucial in Australia’s withdrawal from the Vietnam War. Though he notes infiltration in the movement, likely referring to intelligence agencies like the CIA, which caused damage to labor solidarity, nonetheless Fox tells us how many unionists continued international solidarity work, up to and including recent union contingents supporting Palestine at rallies. He mentions the need for more outreach and education among members who may not fully understand these issues.
Fox goes on to highlight (at ~4:30–7:50) the historical achievements of the Australian labor movement, including being among the first to secure the eight-hour workday on 25 April 1856, when stonemasons in Melbourne marched and ceased work. He notes that Australian unions set benchmarks in occupational health and safety, holidays, and other benefits. He emphasizes that organizing begins with building relationships with ordinary people, and provides the example of an interaction with a Trump voter at his hotel who simply wanted a secure future for their family. He draws parallels to Australia, where similar circumstances exist with cost of living issues and housing crises leading to homelessness. He attributes these problems to neoliberalism and describes witnessing social decay, factory closures, and offshoring of manufacturing over the past 40 years.
Of course, those domestic challenges come paired with imperialist foreign policies: turning (at ~7:51–14:13) to Australia’s partnership with the U.S., Fox criticizes Australia’s commitment to the AUKUS security pact, particularly the $368 billion submarine project. He expresses doubt that Australia will ever see these submarines and explains that the agreement allows the U.S. to take the submarines if war breaks out, noting even former Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating condemned the current government for this agreement, despite the Labor Party being in power. But Australia’s foreign policy has been shackled to U.S. foreign policy, making Australia a potential target in conflicts. Fox naturally questions why Australia is positioning itself against China when China is Australia’s biggest trading partner., and again quotes former Prime Minister Keating who said Australia’s security is “in Asia, not from Asia,” meaning that Australia’s economic future lies with Asia. He therefore argues that imperialism and Anglo-American finance have held Australia back economically.
From there, Fox returns (at ~15:09) to the history of the Australian labor movement: specifically, to the Eureka Rebellion, beginning with gold discoveries in Victoria in 1851 that led to mass migration to the goldfields. The colonial government imposed a gold tax that had to be paid even by those who found no gold and by non-miners like shopkeepers. This led to “monster meetings” of protest, culminating in the unfurling of the Eureka flag on Bakery Hill on 11 November 1854, as an act of defiance against colonial authorities. Then, on 3 December 1854, government forces attacked the miners’ stockade in what became a massacre. Despite the defeat, British authorities feared a full revolution and made concessions, including universal male suffrage. This led to the formation of proper parliaments and fostered the development of the union movement. The Eureka flag became a symbol carried in many subsequent union struggles and represents Australia’s path toward independence—and in an heartwarming act of international solidarity, Fox presents the Eureka flag as a gift to his American hosts and quotes a motto of the Australian labor movement: “if you don’t fight, you lose.” In exchange he receives a Gadsden flag (“Don’t Tread On Me”) in return, underscoring the global scope of popular struggles.
Leaving Chicago, I felt less like I’d attended a conference and more like I’d witnessed a blueprint take shape: one for a movement that rejects managed decline, refuses sectarian litmus tests, and insists that peace is made by rebuilding what’s broken—at home and abroad. From Maupin’s call for a government of action, to Mutombo’s defense of civil liberties, to McArdle’s coalition-building, to Stephens’ family-first vision of peace, to Hosseini’s demand for moral clarity, to Shenk’s reminder to understand before we endorse, to Lockhart’s Good Samaritan politics, to Young’s third-party pragmatism, to Preston’s warning against reactionary political drift, and Fox’s gospel of labor solidarity—the message was the same: don’t agonize, organize.
That means choosing bridges over purity tests, debates over smear campaigns, labor over lobbyists, and material improvements over performative posturing. It means saying no to political violence and yes to organizing centers, cross-movement cooperation, and economic projects that lift working families. It means remembering that peace isn’t the pause between wars but the presence of justice—paychecks, housing, healthcare, education, and dignity. I went to wave a flag that matched my shirt; I left determined to match my life to my politics. The work begins now.